Donald Trump is currently transforming the U.S. into an authoritarian state, argues Harvard Professor Steven Levitsky, author of “How Democracies Die.” And he is using an unexpected twist in the authoritarian playbook to do so.
Interview conducted by Claus Hecking of DER SPIEGEL at Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts
DER SPIEGEL: Mr. Levitsky, U.S. President Donald Trump is seeking to single-handedly abolish rights enshrined in the Constitution, is dissolving government institutions by decree and has begun talking about impeaching judges that would dare stand in his way. Is American democracy in danger?
Levitsky: We are currently witnessing the collapse of our democracy. Under Donald Trump, the U.S. is sliding into a form of authoritarianism. This will probably not be irreversible. But the fact is: Right now, the U.S. is ceasing to be a democracy.
DER SPIEGEL: What form of authoritarianism are you talking about?
Levitsky: I call it competitive authoritarianism: Formal democratic institutions will be maintained, but the democratic substance is eroding. There is still democratic competition, but it is unfair because the incumbents are manipulating the game in their favor using state resources. We probably won’t see tanks in the streets, our Constitution will remain in place, the opposition will not bebanned, and elections will be held again. But in those elections, there will no longer be a level playing field between Republicans and Democrats.
DER SPIEGEL: Where have you already seen indications of this development in the U.S?
Levitsky: The president and his administration are staffing government bodies like the judiciary, the intelligence services and regulatory agencies, such as the Federal Communications Commission, with loyalists and instrumentalizing them to pressure and wear down political opponents, thereby diminishing their chances of winning an election. At the same time, they are trying to subdue or silence critical voices like the media, academics and other civil society actors. Within just a few weeks, Trump and his people have already massively increased the costs of opposition.
DER SPIEGEL: When comparing the moves Trump has made since his inauguration with those of established autocrats, where do you see the similarities?
Levitsky: What is striking about the first two months of the Trump administration is not that it reminds me of Viktor Orbán in Hungary, the Law and Justice (PiS) party in Poland, Narendra Modi in India or Hugo Chávez in Venezuela. It’s worse. Trump and his allies have been much more openly authoritarian than any of these figures. They are eagerly embracing authoritarianism. See, for example, the apparent enthusiasm with which they are refusing to comply with court orders and attacking justices.
DER SPIEGEL: At least the freedom of opinion appears to still be guaranteed in the U.S.
Levitsky: In a free, functioning democracy, the media, entrepreneurs, academics and politicians should be able to speak out openly against the government without fear of personal repercussions. But now, more and more people, from journalists and university presidents to protesting students, are having to consider whether or not to oppose Trump because they might have to pay a price for doing so. And there is mounting evidence that Republican members of Congress are being put under massive pressure to vote with Trump on crucial issues that go against their convictions. Among other things, Trump supporters are said to be threatening them with violence against them and their families. We’ve only ever seen this kind of thing in other parts of the world until now.
Political scientist Steven Levitsky at Harvard: “There will no longer be a level playing field between Republicans and Democrats.” (Photo: Jason Grow / DER SPIEGEL)
DER SPIEGEL: Are Trump and his people following a script?
Levitsky: There’s a classic pattern: First, a would-be autocrat must gain control of the institutions responsible for investigations, prosecutions and the like. Trump’s first step in office was precisely to replace these “referees” with his followers. He appointed his former lawyer Pam Biondi to head the Justice Department, and Kash Patel to head the FBI.
“It’s bizarre: the president of the United States and his followers are using the strategy employed by the ruler of little Hungary. They are trying to copy the Hungarian model.”
DER SPIEGEL: … who has written children’s books portraying Trump as a king …
Levitsky: … and Trump also staffed the military and key regulatory agencies with loyalists. Hugo Chávez once did something similar in Venezuela, followed later by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in Turkey and, above all, Viktor Orbán in Hungary. Orbán was once a center-right democratic politician, but after returning to power in 2010, he weaponized the state and established an authoritarian system. He taught Trump and the Republicans that the state can be a useful tool – by using it as a weapon for one’s own political and ideological purposes. It’s bizarre: the president of the United States and his followers are using the strategy employed by the ruler of little Hungary. They are trying to copy the Hungarian model.
DER SPIEGEL: Will Trump really be able to dominate the U.S. the way Orbán dominates Hungary?
Levitsky: I don’t think so. It’s far more difficult to change the Constitution in the U.S. than in Hungary. Doing so requires two-thirds majorities in both houses of Congress, after which three-quarters of the states must ratify the amendment. Furthermore, the opposition in Hungary was much weaker than the Democrats are here. There is a significant chance that Trump will lose control of the House of Representatives in the 2026 congressional elections.
DER SPIEGEL: Isn’t the U.S. democracy resilient enough to withstand Trump? After all, checks and balances – the separation of powers – have existed for over two centuries.
Levitsky: Unfortunately, I have to say: The much-vaunted Constitutional checks are failing. Our Founding Fathers wanted to prevent an all-powerful tyrant. To this end, they created a series of institutions over 200 years ago: the Electoral College for electing the president, the separation of powers with an independent, bicameral legislature, and a largely independent judiciary. Not to mention a federalist system that grants far-reaching powers to the states. But they didn’t foresee that one day there would be two strongly polarized parties, one of which is completely loyal to the incumbent president. To my knowledge, no U.S. president has ever had more control over a party than Trump has today over the Republicans – a party which holds a majority in both houses of Congress. This means that Congress, our legislative branch, is ceding its power to Trump.
DER SPIEGEL: And during his first term, Trump was already able to appoint three justices to the Supreme Court, who now often rule in his favor. Are we seeing a coup from the top?
Levitsky: I would call it an attempted coup: abuse of power on a grand scale. I would only call it a coup if Trump openly violated the Constitution and openly refused to comply with Congress or the Supreme Court.
DER SPIEGEL: Even before Trump was sworn in for his second term, you warned that the U.S. could slide into authoritarianism.
Levitsky: It’s been worse than expected. First, the new administration is acting much faster and more comprehensively than foreseen. Second, we didn’t expect Elon Musk. He is a new element in the authoritarian playbook. I’ve never seen such a concentration of political, economic and media power in a democratic system as Musk currently combines. And he has never been elected to any office. Now, with his Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), this man is wreaking havoc on our state. He’s most likely violating our Constitution and numerous laws, but he’s not even being monitored.
Elon Musk demonstrating his vision for the U.S. government at the Conservative Political Action Conference: “He is a new element in the authoritarian playbook.” (Photo: Jose Luis Magana /AP)
DER SPIEGEL: The president is granted numerous powers in the U.S., and Trump is taking advantage of this by ruling with countless executive orders. Would such a concentration of power be possible in a parliamentary democracy like Germany?
Levitsky: In principle, it’s more difficult for outsiders like Trump to rise to the top of a traditional party and win it over. But even in parliamentary democracies, there can be a dynamic where traditional parties weaken and an outsider gains majorities with his own party. See Berlusconi in Italy. And if an authoritarian politician gains control of a traditional party, like Orbán in Hungary, he can cause great damage even in a parliamentary system. I’m worried about the United Kingdom right now, because Nigel Farage’s so-called Reform Party is leading in the polls there. The UK has a much more centralized, majoritarian political system. If Farage were to win a parliamentary majority, he could cause even more damage than Trump.
“The much-vaunted Constitutional checks are failing.”
DER SPIEGEL: In contrast to Trump’s first term, there has so far been very little public resistance.
Levitsky: I was always convinced that attempts to abuse power would meet with considerable resistance in the U.S. After all, we have such a rich, diverse democracy, a strong, prosperous private sector and independent, financially strong universities. But in the first weeks of Trump II, we are witnessing an unexpectedly high degree of self-censorship, capitulation or even subordination. Some of the richest and most powerful business leaders are bowing down to Trump. Leading media outlets are being pressured by their owners to accommodate Trump. Leading universities have been silent about the devastating attack on our universities and science. If this continues, Trump will be able to do far more damage than I recently thought possible.
A U.S. flag after on Wall Street in New York following an anti-Trump demonstration. (Photo: Spencer Platt/Getty Images)
“Many Americans are naive. They take Democracy for granted in our country.”
DER SPIEGEL: Why is that?
Levitsky: Many Americans are naive. They take democracy for granted in our country. With the exception of a handful of immigrants, we don’t know what it’s like to live in an autocracy. This is a huge disadvantage we have relative to, for example, Germany, Poland or South American societies. Furthermore, the election results had a demoralizing effect on Trump’s opponents. They are disillusioned and exhausted. I get paid to talk about democracy; I’ve been talking about Trump constantly for nine years. When he was re-elected in November, all I wanted to do was go home, eat ice cream, and watch hockey on TV. But people are now recovering from this shock, and we’re seeing the first nationwide protests – in front of Tesla dealerships, for example.
DER SPIEGEL: Why have the Democrats remained largely silent in the face of Trump’s deportations and executive orders, many of which have been of questionable legality?
Levitsky: The Democrats are still dominated by a generation of older politicians who were politically socialized in the 20th century within tried-and-true democratic norms. Many of them seem quite disoriented. They are counting on the system to protect them. And following Trump’s first term, they expected his second administration to not be that bad.
DER SPIEGEL: They’ve been caught off guard?
Levitsky: I compare it to a 15-round boxing match where a boxer charges in the first round and throws a thousand punches. He may be exhausted by the fourth round, but in the first round, he lands so many punches that his opponent lies stunned in the corner. That’s what’s happening to the Democrats now. They’ve been hit by a barrage of unexpected blows.
DER SPIEGEL: Many Democrats are still advocating for a wait-and-see approach – until Trump has caused so much damage in the U.S. that voters turn away from him and toward the Democrats.
Levitsky: It’s possible that the Democratic Party could win elections in the future if its people simply keep quiet and hide in the corner. Trump is already massively weakening our economy with his trade policy. But the interests of the Democratic Party are not the same as the interests of our society. And Trump is currently ruining our country and our democracy.
DER SPIEGEL: Can Trump still be stopped?
Levitsky: Yes. Autocrats are most destructive when they enjoy high levels of popular support: Politicians like Putin or Chávez sometimes have or have had 70 or 80 percent support. Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, on the other hand, was able to do much less damage because he lacked this backing. And Trump is not a popular president. He didn’t reach 50 percent in the election – and now his approval ratings are clearly below that mark and falling. More than half of the country rejects him. And Trump is making many new enemies, whether with the civil service layoffs or his erratic trade policy.
“I think we can still restore our democracy.”
DER SPIEGEL: What happens next?
Levitsky: It may sound a bit clichéd, but ultimately it’s true: Citizens must defend democracy. This isn’t just about taking to the streets. We must begin building a committed opposition together with civil rights organizations, universities, businesses and politicians from the Democratic Party.
DER SPIEGEL: Is there anything that gives you hope?
Levitsky: The form of authoritarianism Trump is pursuing isn’t irreversible. I think we can still restore our democracy. But we Americans have to take action.
DER SPIEGEL: Mr. Levitsky, thank you very much for this interview.
Political scientist Steven Levitsky (right) with DER SPIEGEL reporter Claus Hecking: “It may sound a bit clichéd, but ultimately it’s true: Citizens must defend democracy.” (Photo: Jason Grow/DER SPIEGEL)
